Epstein analyses the dynamics of state suppression of "decentralized rebellion" and "communal violence between two warring ethnic groups." (Posted 3/10/07) Nichoas Sambanis asks, "Do Ethnic and Non-Ethnic Civil Wars Have the Same Causes?" World Bank, January 24, 2001.
One of the best global histories of World War II I have read. You will find no oral history here, but rather an excellent and thorough survey of high-level events and decision making.
Gross shows how "Asymmetric war expands the range of permissible civilian targets that each side may attack without incurring charges of terrorism or disproportionate harm." (Posted 8/9/11)In "Risk Taking and Force Protection," Reading Walzer, Itzhak Benbaji, Naomi Sussman, eds., Forthcoming, David Luban addresses two questions "about the morality of warfare: (1) how much risk must soldiers take to minimize unintended civilian casualties caused by their own actions (collateral damage), and (2) whether it is the same for the enemy's civilians as for one's own." (Posted 8/17/11)THE RIGHTS OF (SUSPECTED) ENEMY COMBATANTS (benevolent quarantine, detention, torture, etc.): (scroll down for the most recent posts) For authoritative legal commentaries and reports on the treatment of detained enemy combatants from Abu Ghraib to Guantanamo Bay, browse the website for theNational Institute of Military Justice.
Fourth Amendment context offer a logical starting point for providing a similar touchstone for assessing the reasonableness of targeting decisions in armed conflict." In "'Efficiency' Jus in Bello and 'Efficiency' Jus Ad Bellum in the Practice of Targeted Killing Through Drone Warfare?," Kenneth Anderson examines the tension that drone warfare creates between jus in bello and jus ad bellumconsiderations: "The more targeted killing technologies allow more precise targeting and reducing collateral casualties and harm (jus in bello), and that moreover at less personal risk to the drone users forces, perhaps the less inhibition that party has in resorting to force (jus ad bellum)." In "Unlawful Killing with Combat Drones: A Case Study of Pakistan," Mary Ellen O'Connell questions the governments authorization of increased drone attacks and argues these types of attacks "cannot be justified under international law for a number of reasons." One chief reason, O'Connell argues, is that "international law does not recognize the right to kill with battlefield weapons outside an actual armed conflict." (Posted 8/17/11)In "Drone Warfare and the Law of Armed Conflict," Denver Journal of International Law and Policy, Volume 39, No.
There is a dearth of good histories of the war in China. This one emphasizes the economic and social aspects of the war, and like many such histories is flawed by a deferential attitude towards Chiang and the Kuomintang.
Not a chronological history, but a study of the character of the air war in the South Pacific and its participants. Much good oral history. One of my favorites.
So, instead of allowing some traditional, popular or conventionally accepted notions tell you what is required to justify the use of lethal armed forces, let your first lesson in just war theory be one that you teach yourself in a simple reflective exercise: Start by thinking of a paradigm case or prime example from history which strikes you intuitively as being an instance of an ethically acceptable, or perhaps even laudable use of armed forces.
If your head is swimming with historical examples of condemnable warfare, and you can think only of a relatively limited class of ethically acceptable instances, and few or no laudable ones, then you may be a relatively dovish just war theorist (like me).
Despite being far from the fields of battle, Canadian educational institutions were both directly and indirectly affected by the war. Thousands of students and recent graduates of high schools and universities rushed to enlist, their names carefully and proudly recorded by their alma mater. On a broader level, the conflict impacted the expansion of schooling and altered public perceptions of the role of education in society. The diversion of funds and government energies resulted in the cutting of courses, reductions in supplies and equipment, and postponed the construction of additional schools and facilities needed to accommodate increased enrolment. The war impacted practically every phase of the school curriculum and, at least for its duration, altered athletics, the activities of societies and clubs, and social events. At the same time, the manpower crisis affected teacher training and resulted in a teacher shortage.
At war's end, they held approximately four to five million within Russia (and here, again, the KGB archives are worth consulting, as historian James Bacque has done; they show a figure of 2,389,560).
Lincoln was a Whig masquerading as a Republican, because that was now the only game in town. He didn't care anything about the slavery issue; he preferred to temporize with the abolitionists. But he couldn't temporize with the Northern capitalists. He would have to drag the South back into the Union immediately, or he'd (figuratively) be shot out of the saddle and discredited very quickly; then Seward or Chase would really be running the country; and Lincoln could forget all about being reelected in 1864. That was unthinkable. But there was no way Lincoln or anyone else from the Republican party could possibly talk the Southern states back into the Union at this stage of the game; so he would have to conquer them in war. (He assumed it would be a 90-day war, which the Union Army would win in one battle.)
A good discussion of the causes of the war, the state of preparedness of the two sides, and the military aspects of the major land campaigns. The companion map set is also valuable.
A myriad of source materials reveal the impact of the war on education and the wartime experiences of those connected with educational institutions. Board of education reports and school board committee meeting minutes reveal the ways in which the war was a highly disruptive social experience. Curriculum guides and board of education circulars demonstrate that educators viewed the school system as one of the central mediums through which young Canadians might learn the specific details of the conflict. Boards issued pamphlets on how the war should be taught in the classroom and provided lists of recent educational books that could help with its instruction. Current events were incorporated into history and geography and the lessons in technical courses and vocational schools became based on war production needs. Newspapers, educational periodicals and journals, and various publications of university faculties of education all identified important lessons that could be learned from the war and spoke to the importance of controlling the conflict’s impact on student learning and experience. Yearbooks and student newspapers published historical narratives and creative contributions written by students that illuminate their experiences of war.